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FBI/Congressional Record on King
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Neo-Cons Say Opposition to Israel New Form of
"Anti-Americanism"

By Michael Collins Piper
Author of
Final Judgment: The Mossad Role
in the JFK Assassination Conspiracy (Adobe Acrobat required to view
circular) and
The High Priests of War
Correspondent for
American Free Press
If you are a critic of Israel—or if you have concerns about
President George W. Bush’s drive for a New World Order in the name of promoting
a global democratic revolution—you are not only anti-Semitic and anti-Israel but
also anti-Christian and anti-American.
Anti-Israel sentiments are actually the underlying foundation of
anti-Americanism and, in turn, anti-Americanism is inextricably
indivisible from anti-Israel, anti-Semitic and anti-Christian sentiments.
That’s the new theory—actually the outright propaganda line—of the
neo-conservative "high priests of war" promoting the new
internationalist policy laid forth by President George W. Bush—under the
direction of Israeli hard-liner Natan Sharansky—in his recent inaugural address.
As hard as it may be for the average American to accept such an extraordinary
thesis, that is precisely what one of the Israeli
lobby’s most reknowned "intellectuals" is contending.
And what should be of concern to traditional American patriots who value their
First Amendment right to criticize the conduct of U.S. foreign policy, is that
many powerful people in high places take such assertions quite seriously.
In an audacious essay published in the January 2005 issue of
Commentary magazine—the journal of the American Jewish
Committee—Yale Professor David Hillel Gelernter says that "Americanism"
itself—at least as defined by Gelernter and those who share his views—is no more
than a modern-day evolution of old-line Zionist thought, going back to the Bible
itself. America, he contends, is essentially the new Israel, the new Jerusalem,
a virtual adjunct of the state of Israel itself.
That such a proposition was put forth in Commentary, long-edited by
neo-conservative "ex-Trotskyite" Norman Podhoretz, who still remains the
power-behind-the-scenes at the jounral, means quite a lot, inasmuch as
Commentary is generally recognized as one of the foremost influences directing
U.S. foreign policy in the Bush administration today.
In addition, although Gelernter is a specialist in computer
science, his views on political affairs are regularly published
with great fanfare in the pages of The New York Times and The Washington Post,
and in such staunch pro-Israel publications as The New Republic, National Review
and The Weekly Standard, the media voice of William Kristol, perhaps the chief
media publicist and public affairs strategist for the neo-conservative point of
view today.
As such, what Gelernter has to say should be considered carefully, inasmuch he
is very much a part of the Kristol network, given free reign in Commentary to
air such provocative opinions.
In that regard, it is important to note that Kristol’s father, Irving Kristol,
is known as "the godfather" of the neo-conservative movement and was himself, as
an old-line Trotskyite, one of the self-dubbed "New York intellectuals"—part of
a cell which called itself "the family’—who acted as mentor for the
aforementioned Norman Podhoretz during the time when Commentary emerged as one
of the Israeli lobby’s more powerful media voices.
Today, the Kristols and Podhoretz—along with media water-carriers such as
Gelernter—are stalwart forces behind the global agenda of the Bush
administration, allied with such key administration policy makers as Deputy
Defense Secretary Paul Wolfowitz and collaborating intimately with like-minded
allies in hard-line factions in Israel of which Natan Sharansky is one of the
most outspoken figures.
Consequently, Gelernter’s essay in Commentary is a philosophical complement to
the theme put forth by Sharansky (and dutifully and enthusiastically echoed by
Bush) and part of a not-so-subtle ongoing effort to underscore the new
international imperium which the president’s foreign policy hopes to effect.
While his essay was published before Bush’s inaugural address was publicly
delivered—although its genesis, having been crafted under the direction of
Sharansky and Gelernter’s associate William Kristol—had already taken
place—Gelernter contends that what today is the Sharansky-Bush point of view
goes back, in American historical
terms, to the days of the Puritan and Pilgrim founding fathers.
Noting that "Puritans spoke of themselves as God’s new chosen
people, living in God’s new promised land—in short, as God’s new Israel,"
Gelernter asserts that "Many thinkers have noted that Americanism is inspired by
or close to or intertwined with Puritanism," noting that "one of the most
impressive scholars to say so recently is Samuel Huntington, in his formidable
book on American identity, Who Are We?"
(Huntington, a Council on Foreign Relations stalwart—whose earlier book The
Crisis of Democracy (published by the Rockefeller-funded Trilateral Commission)
suggested there was too much democracy in America and that it needed to be
suppressed—is an ironic choice for Gelernter to cite, but then again,
"democracy"—in the eyes of the elite—applies only to those whom they want to
have freedom.
(And now, of course, as American Free Press pointed out on January 31,
Huntington is a vocal spokesman for a determined high-level campaign to block
certain groups of immigrants—namely Muslims and Hispanic Catholics—from coming
into the United States, basically in the name of "fighting terrorism and
anti-Semitism.")
In any case, Gelernter says that the Puritanism of Huntington’s chosen type is
the real foundation of America. He writes:
"Puritanism did not merely inspire or influence Americanism, it
turned into Americanism . . . [and that] You cannot really
understand the Pilgrims, or Puritans in general, unless you know the Hebrew
Bible and classical Jewish history; knowing Judaism itself also helps . . .
Early exponents of Americanism tended to define even their own Christianity in
ways that make it sound like Judaism."
Gelernter’s assessment of the Bible, as he reads it, is that, among other
things, Americans, in particular, have "a divine mission to all mankind" and
that three conclusions can be reached: "Every human being everywhere is entitled
to freedom, equality, and democracy." (What Bible to which Gelernter refers may
be a good question, but certainly beyond the scope of this article.)
Suggesting that those whom he calls "the theologians of
Americanism" understood that freedom, equality and democracy were not just
philosophical ideas but "the word of God," Gelernter concludes that the
consequence is "the fervor and passion with which Americans believe their
creed." Gelernter says that creed is that "Americans virtually alone in the
world, insist that freedom, equality, and democracy are right not only for
France and Spain but for Afghanistan and Iraq."
Here Gelernter begins to spin his particular theme that Zionism is integral to
and inseparable from what he says is "Americanism": To sum up Americanism’s
creed as far as freedom, equality, and democracy for all is to state only half
the case. The other half deals with a promised land, a chosen people, and a
universal, divinely ordained mission. This part of Americanism is the American
version of biblical Zionism: in short, American Zionism.
Purporting that "Americanism" (as he defines it) is "American
Zionism"—the idea that America is also a Zionist "promised land" that is as one
with the state of Israel and traditional Jewish Zionism itself, Gelernter is
suggesting that both Israel and America are Jewish states. He goes even further:
"Classical Israel’s (and classical Zionism’s) contribution to
Americanism is incalculable. No modern historian or thinker I am
aware of . . . has done justice to this extraordinary fact. They seem to have
forgotten what the eminent 19th century Irish historian William Lecky
recognized: that ‘Hebraic mortar cemented the foundations of American
democracy.’ And even Lecky, I suspect, did not grasp the full extent of this
truth. Unless we do grasp it, we can never fully understand Americanism—or
anti-Americanism."
In short, Gelernter is avowing that "anti-Americanism" is nothing more (or
nothing less) than opposition to the Zionist theology that he contends played
such a considerable role as the "mortar" that "cemented the foundations of
American democracy." Then, Gelernter moves forward, applying his bizarre theory
to the conduct of U.S. foreign policy. In the same spirit in which The
Washington Post on January 21 declared President Bush’s global view to be "more
Wilsonian than conservative," Gelernter asserts:
"[Woodrow] Wilson stands right at the center of classical
Americanism. No president spoke the language of Bible and divine mission more
lucidly . . . During Wilson’s administration, Americanism accomplished a
fundamental transition. It had always included the idea of divine mission. But
what was [emphasis in the original] the mission? Until the closing of the
frontier in the last decade of the 19th century, the mission was to populate the
continent. With the frontier closed, the mission became 'Americanism for the
whole world.'"
According to Gelernter, subsequent presidents such as Franklin D. Roosevelt and
Harry S Truman waged wars on behalf of Americanism, Truman being the American
president who effectively launched the Cold War against the Soviets, even as New
York banks and international financial interests were propping up the Soviet
tyranny, as American kids died in Korea and later in Vietnam.
However, Gelernter says, it was Ronald Reagan who affirmed this "Americanism"
when he spoke of a "shining city upon a hill," citing the Bible’s book of
Matthew in the same spirit of Pilgrim father John Winthrop. It was Reagan,
claims Gelernter, whose "use of the these words connected modern America to the
humane Christian vision—the Puritan vision—the vision (ultimately) of the Hebrew
Bible and the Jewish people—that created this nation."
Now, Gelernter says, "That Americanism is the successor of
Puritanism is crucial to [understanding] anti-Americanism."
According to the Zionist-based slant that Gelernter puts forth, modern-day
European opposition to the global designs being advanced by the neo-conservative
policy makers in the Bush administration is nothing more than a modern-day
manifestation of something long past:
"In the 18th century anti-Americans were conservative, monarchist and
anti-Puritans . . . In the 19th century, European elites became increasingly
hostile to Christianity—which inevitably entailed hostility to America. "
In modern times, anti-Americanism is closely associated with
anti-Christianism AND anti-Semitism. [Gelertner’s emphasis}
So Gelertnter’s theory comes full circle. He claims that "We
needn’t go to Norway or Britain to find angry denunciations of
President bush and the Americans who support him in religion-mocking terms" and
cites former Vice President Al Gore who—in condemning Bush’s drive for war
against Iraq—said that the president’s worldview was "the American version of
the same fundamentalist impulse" found in the Muslim world.
That Gore’s comments—despite coming from an American politician who has himself
been closely allied with the Israeli lobby—have a solid basis of truth means
little to Gelernter. After all, the American neo-conservatives have been careful
to paint their enemies as "fanatics" and "extremists" when, in fact, their very
allies in Israel are very much as fanatical and extremist as those Muslims they
condemn.
While all of this, of course, is the writing of one man, David
Gelernter, a fanatic supporter of Israel, his thinking reflects
many powerful figures who are now dictating American foreign policy in the name
of a grand scheme of advancing some ill-defined global democratic revolution.
What it represents is really nothing more than the New World Order that genuine
American patriots have warned about for generations, a scheme that is very real
"anti-Americanism" in its most basic definition. Don’t make the mistake of
discounting the influence of such twisted thinking: agree or disagree with the
thesis, what Gelernter has put forth in Commentary defines the philosophy of the
ruling elite in America today.
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